The EU's eastern enlargement expected in 2004, will result in the shift of the Schengen border regime to the eastern borders of the new member states. This prospect raises the vexed question of the likely consequences of the changes to the border regime on trans‐border relations. However, the consequences will be difficult to ascertain for the new EU border as a whole as it is well recognised that ‘every state border; every border region, is unique’.1 Therefore, in order to gauge the impact of EU enlargement in general and the introduction of the Schengen rules in particular, a comprehensive analysis of the situation on eastern borders of the applicant states prior to accession is required.This article presents an overview of ethnic, economic, and political relations for the Polish‐Ukrainian borderlands against the backdrop of the history of the region.
Bibliographical noteFunding Information:
Region' , a summary of a project funded by the UK Department for International
Despite some achievements, the CER has not lived up to expectations, mainly because of a lack of finance and the indecisiveness of local self-government, a legacy of centralisation, an endemic feature of communist states. From its inception the CER lacked an independent and adequate financial base. National capitals provide hardly any funds. As the Euroregion's territory straddles candidate and non-candidate states, there are no funds available from the EU, due to the poor co-ordination of the two major assistance programmes, PHARE and TACIS, which are run by different directorates of the Commission in Brussels. The EU tend to provide funds mainly for bilateral forms of CBC. It was American money from the Foundation for the Development of the Carpathian Euroregion, created with the support from the East-West Institute, which offered financial backing for theCER.
ASJC Scopus subject areas
- Sociology and Political Science
- Political Science and International Relations